From numerous reports on Democracy Now and other Pacifica Programs it is clear that the USA is continuing its misrule of Haiti.
The following is just the latest outrage.
http://www.democracynow.org/article.pl?sid=05/07/11/1351253

I'm still perplexed why the rest of the Carribean hasn't pulled together some sort of plan to help Haiti in some way.They talk big but never put "boots on the ground" to alliviate some of the madness there.confused3

The state of Haiti at the moment is a stain of shame and failure on all BLACK countries worldwide.

The rich History of Haiti was our pride and joy....and its demise into chaos is a big blow to us all.....where is the pride?? How can we talk of a mighty rebellion when the descendants of those heroes are left in a limbo like the Haitians are left now? Last time there was a Hurricane the Jamaican Government refused entry to Haitians based on some absurd accusation of Voodoo practices within the Haitian communityI have never heard such stupideness.....the Caribbean neighbours should all be ashamed of themselves for letting Haiti go on like that......for pity sake, do it even for our own self respect if anything else!

@ all. Here is some information regarding the relationship between Caricom and Haiti from an article by Dr. Kwame Nantambu of Kent State University in the U.S.:

CARICOM-Haiti Perspectives on the United States

The double-edge sword of contention between CARICOM and the United States over Haiti is entangled in these two issues: "the legitimacy of Haiti's interim government and whether Haiti should be allowed to return to the Caribbean Community." (AP 2004). The backdrop in putting these twin issues in their proper historical perspective is that it was the Haitian interim government itself that initially suspended membership in the regional bloc immediately after Jamaica granted temporary refuge status to ousted President Aristide. As a result, CARICOM was forced to withhold recognition to and support for, this interim government in March 2004, and more specifically, since Aristide leveled accusations of a U.S. - orchestrated coup. (Ibid). The interim Haitian government, therefore, brought the issue of CARICOM's non-recognition upon itself. In fact, CARICOM Heads of State have always strongly rejected any 'unprecedented haste' by the United States to recognize the interim government.

On 27 March 2004, CARICOM leaders concluded after twelve hours of intense deliberations "they will not recognize the U.S.-backed interim government in Haiti" and "asserted that the restoration of democratic rule in the troubled nation is essential to its involvement in the regional community." However, on a matter of geo-political principle, they decided "to continue recognizing Haiti as a member state and pledged support for and participation in any activities that will lead to the alleviation of the plight of the Haitian people." (Browne 2004,4). CARICOM leaders should be complimented for taking such a principled geo-political position they recognized the broader picture of Caribbean unity in time of crisis and uncertainty.

CARICOM leaders also decided not to support insidious efforts by the U.S.-backed interim government to extradite former President Aristide to face scurrilous charges of corruption and human right abuses. Yet, despite and against "intense pressures from the United States of America to influence recognition of the interim regime in Port-au-Prince", CARICOM leaders have decided to put such recognition on a "frozen" footing. CARICOM's position is to insist on a "United Nations -sponsored independent probe into the controversial circumstances surrounding how President Jean Bertrand Aristide was removed from office on 29 February 2004" (Singh 2004). This is the most vexing bone of contention in CARICOM-Haiti- United States relations. In February 2004, CARICOM called on the United Nations "to launch an independent investigation into Aristide's departure but nothing (came) of this". According to Knowlson Gift, Foreign Affairs Minister of Trinidad and Tobago:" we'd made an overture to the UN seeking that the matter be ventilated and investigated there. Unfortunately, due to the strength of the UN as a body, it needed the approval of the Security Council. If a single one of these objected, the matter would have died right there, so what we did in CARICOM was to revert to the OAS to call for the inquiry" (Alexander 2004). This was a quintessential brilliant tactical move by CARICOM because as permanent members of the UN Security Council and with veto power, it was an automatic conclusion that France and the United States would have vetoed any such independent investigation. Let us recall that France and the United States were the co-conspirators who provided the international forces to remove Aristide from office in Haiti: "Aristide was flown into exile on an American military aircraft" (Singh 2004). So now, France and the United States are powerless to prevent CARICOM from taking this international issue to a Special Session of the Permanent Council of the Organization of American States (OAS). And that's exactly what CARICOM has done.

On 13 May 2004, CARICOM forwarded an official request to the OAS "to assess the state of constitutional governance and the democratic order in Haiti that would include the circumstances of President Aristide's departure from office in the face of an armed rebellion." (Singh 2004). This action was taken within the specific context of Article 20 of the Inter-American Democratic Charter. Article 20 reads as follows: "In the event of an unconstitutional alteration of the constitutional regime that seriously impairs the democratic order in a member state, any member state or the Secretary General may request the immediate convocation of the Permanent Council to undertake a collective assessment of the situation and to take such decisions as it deems appropriate."(Singh 21 May 2004). In its reaction, the United States Ambassador to the OAS, John Maisto, publicly appealed for CARICOM "to withdraw its request." The request stands without fear of intimidation or retaliation.

In the final analysis, if the United States denies it had any involvement in the ouster of President Aristide from office then an independent international investigation as requested by CARICOM from the OAS is the best operational mechanism to get to the truth. Conversely, if the United States has the slightest trepidation as to the core findings of this investigation then it may wield its 'Big stick diplomacy' bat and read the 'riot act' to members of the Permanent Council of the OAS in an attempt to thwart any movement on CARICOM's request.

The Future

CARICOM stands to face a very leery and hostile future in terms of its relations with the United States if and when the findings of this OAS investigation are made public. Some skeptics may have already classified these findings as: "I told you so." Haiti has always been an embarrassing, nagging and contentious thorn in the side of France and the United States since 1791; thus, it need occasion no great surprise that these very same countries were joined at the geo-political hip to remove Aristide from office. The old defeatist wounds have not gone away. How to heal them is the unknown and maybe unsolvable variable in any future CARICOM-Haiti-United states relations.

One can only hope history will absolve CARICOM leaders for taking such a precedent-setting position on behalf and protection of the first Black sovereign independent nation-state in the Western Hemisphere. Future relations suggest that the United States should realize that the loudest message coming out of the Caribbean as enunciated by its CARICOM leaders is that these governments are not only determined to be independent but also and most importantly, are determined to act independently.